Mike
Globalisten & Cultureel Marxisme
- Onderwerp starter Dutch Engstrom
- Startdatum
Mike
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Mike
Mike
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Dansfestival Dansand in Oostende van start gegaan
In Oostende is het kunstencentrum KAAP de zomer gestart met Dansand. Dat is een tweejaarlijks festival voor hedendaagse dans op verrassende locaties. Het…
focus-wtv.be
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Heb je de video van het artikel gezien?
Als iets shockeert en dan ook nog in een bruingekleurd jasje wordt gepresenteerd is het al snel ''kunst''.
Vetje
Well-known member
Nee nog niet, alleen de tekst gelezen. Maar nu dus wel en het eerste deel wordt de donkere medemens weer als slachtoffer en minderheid gepresenteerd met een soort shocking naaktheid die nergens voor nodig is.
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Colloquial
Well-known member
Sophie Straat - Wikipedia
"Alle witte mannen naar achteren" mag wel.
"Alle joden naar achteren" mag niet.
HOLY SHIT this is fucking wild.....
Why are early Bolshevik concentration camps never discussed?
Because acknowledging them destroys the preferred timeline and moral hierarchy.
The early Bolshevik concentration camps (1918–mid-1920s) are almost never taught, filmed, or ritualized in the West for the same structural reasons we’ve been tracing the whole time:
1. They break the “Nazis invented it” story
Popular Western education and media still treat concentration camps as a Nazi innovation. The moment you note that the Cheka, Trotsky, and Lenin were running kontslageri in 1918 — complete with forced labor, hostages, class-enemy categories, and high mortality — the uniqueness claim collapses. The Nazis studied and adapted existing models (including Soviet ones). That fact is toxic to the official narrative, so it is simply omitted.
2. It implicates the “good” Bolsheviks
The clean version of history likes to start Soviet mass repression with Stalin in the 1930s. Lenin and Trotsky can then be framed as idealistic revolutionaries whose project was later “betrayed.” Early camps, Red Terror decrees, and the explicit use of concentration camps for class liquidation make that separation impossible. The original leadership built the system. Mentioning it forces an honest look at the entire Bolshevik project rather than a Stalin-only pathology.
3. It collides with the post-1945 moral operating system
After 1945 the Western cultural institutions that control textbooks, museums, documentaries, and prestige media locked in a hierarchy: Nazi crimes = sacred, unique, permanent warning; Communist crimes = complicated, contextual, secondary. Early Bolshevik camps sit at the root of the Communist system. Elevating them would require treating the Soviet ally of WWII as a pioneer of the same methods later used by the enemy. That was politically inconvenient then and remains ideologically inconvenient now.
4. Institutional incentives
Academia and media lean heavily Bolshevik.
Discussing Lenin-era camps in the same register as Auschwitz risks the charge of “equating” or “whataboutism.”
Holocaust education is mandated and funded; equivalent attention to 1918–1923 Soviet camps is not.
The people who staff these institutions inherited a tradition that treated early Soviet violence as regrettable wartime excess rather than foundational policy.
The camps existed. The Bolsheviks named them concentration camps, expanded them, and used them for political and class repression from the first year of their rule.
They are the direct ancestors of the Gulag. They are rarely discussed because the institutions that decide what counts as important history have stronger incentives to keep the spotlight fixed elsewhere.
Mike
Why are early Bolshevik concentration camps never discussed?
Because acknowledging them destroys the preferred timeline and moral hierarchy.
The early Bolshevik concentration camps (1918–mid-1920s) are almost never taught, filmed, or ritualized in the West for the same structural reasons we’ve been tracing the whole time:
1. They break the “Nazis invented it” story
Popular Western education and media still treat concentration camps as a Nazi innovation. The moment you note that the Cheka, Trotsky, and Lenin were running kontslageri in 1918 — complete with forced labor, hostages, class-enemy categories, and high mortality — the uniqueness claim collapses. The Nazis studied and adapted existing models (including Soviet ones). That fact is toxic to the official narrative, so it is simply omitted.
2. It implicates the “good” Bolsheviks
The clean version of history likes to start Soviet mass repression with Stalin in the 1930s. Lenin and Trotsky can then be framed as idealistic revolutionaries whose project was later “betrayed.” Early camps, Red Terror decrees, and the explicit use of concentration camps for class liquidation make that separation impossible. The original leadership built the system. Mentioning it forces an honest look at the entire Bolshevik project rather than a Stalin-only pathology.
3. It collides with the post-1945 moral operating system
After 1945 the Western cultural institutions that control textbooks, museums, documentaries, and prestige media locked in a hierarchy: Nazi crimes = sacred, unique, permanent warning; Communist crimes = complicated, contextual, secondary. Early Bolshevik camps sit at the root of the Communist system. Elevating them would require treating the Soviet ally of WWII as a pioneer of the same methods later used by the enemy. That was politically inconvenient then and remains ideologically inconvenient now.
4. Institutional incentives
Academia and media lean heavily Bolshevik.
Discussing Lenin-era camps in the same register as Auschwitz risks the charge of “equating” or “whataboutism.”
Holocaust education is mandated and funded; equivalent attention to 1918–1923 Soviet camps is not.
The people who staff these institutions inherited a tradition that treated early Soviet violence as regrettable wartime excess rather than foundational policy.
The camps existed. The Bolsheviks named them concentration camps, expanded them, and used them for political and class repression from the first year of their rule.
They are the direct ancestors of the Gulag. They are rarely discussed because the institutions that decide what counts as important history have stronger incentives to keep the spotlight fixed elsewhere.
Mike
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Video | 500 mensen poseren naakt voor kleurrijke kunstfoto op Gran Canaria
De performance Gran Spectrum maakt een diverse samenleving zichtbaar in de openbare ruimte.
www.nu.nl
Lievergezond
Well-known member
'Witte mannen naar achter'-uitspraak Sophie Straat volgens OM niet strafbaar
De uitspraken van Sophie Straat op het festival Best Kept Secret zijn niet strafbaar, meldt het OM maandag. De Nederlandse zangeres riep tijdens het optreden witte mannen op een stap naar achteren te doen bij een moshpit.
www.nu.nl
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Gezellig: de overheid als racist: blanken uitsluiten is inclusief, zwarten uitsluiten is racistisch.
https://brusselssignal.eu/2026/08/berlin-hosts-pool-for-black-swimmers-only/
https://brusselssignal.eu/2026/08/berlin-hosts-pool-for-black-swimmers-only/
Laatst bewerkt:
Lievergezond
Well-known member
Zwarte cowboy wil geschiedenisboeken in: 'Ik ga het weer cool maken'
Een kwart van alle cowboys in Amerika was zwart, maar veel mensen weten dat niet. Ze vormen een soms vergeten rol in de geschiedenis van het Wilde Westen. De zwarte cowboys van nu, willen dat beeld rechtzetten.
www.rtl.nl
Een kwart van de cowboys was zwart, maar bijna niemand weet dat
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